世界上最成功的演员！从谐星到最高统帅，揭秘乌克兰最年轻总统的传奇人生！（附视频&解说稿）
英语演讲视频，第一时间观看
3月7日，乌克兰总统泽连斯基发布视频称自己仍在基辅市内。3月8日，他又在社交媒体平台发布自拍视频，他说：“在这样的春天，我们在打仗，真是太悲伤了。但一切都会好起来的，我们将 克服一切困难。”说罢向观众挤了挤眼。
俄乌冲突这件事也让乌克兰总统——泽连斯基成为全世界目前最有关注点的总统，虽然这种关注很屈辱。泽连斯基的故事要比电视剧精彩，没有一天执政经历的他居然能够成为总统。
从演总统到当总统，乌克兰领导人泽连斯基通过自己极富戏剧色彩的人生充分诠释了何谓“人生如戏”。此前，毫无从政经验的泽连斯基力压国内资深政客，从一名喜剧演员华丽转型成为国家领袖；如今，在俄乌冲突中他成了全世界目光聚焦的“战时总统”——他连日来强调他的国家在抵抗俄罗斯的“入侵”，而他不屈不挠与乌克兰人“并肩作战”、保家卫国。
有舆论认为，泽连斯基其实一直都是那个“戏中人”，他凭借对社交媒体的熟练应用为自己赢得了颇高的人气，不过他在俄乌危机中使用的一些战时执政手段将乌克兰民众置身险境，他所表现出的“英雄主义”正触碰西方红线。
这大概是世界上第一个由电视剧改编的真实事件：因为演了乌克兰的总统，而真的竞选成为了乌克兰总统。今天和大家分享PBS的一个英文报道视频，这是2019年，41岁的泽连斯基赢得总统大选后的报道。
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JUDY WOODRUFF: A political earthquake took place in Ukraine this weekend.
The country is fighting the only active war in Europe against Russian-backed separatists.
It is struggling with corruption and with poverty.
On Sunday, an electorate, sick of the status quo, voted overwhelmingly for a political satirist to be its next president.
Nick Schifrin has the story.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Last night in Kiev, Volodymyr Zelensky celebrated victory like any other politician.
But if all the world's a stage, his act is unique.
VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY, Ukrainian President-Elect (through translator): There will be no pathetic speeches.
I just want to say, thank you.
NICK SCHIFRIN: The 41-year-old is a comedian whose only experience as a politician is playing one on TV.
He portrayed a teacher who accidentally becomes Ukraine's president after criticizing the government.
His character is so fed up with corruption, he shoots the entire Parliament.
And now he's promising life will imitate art.
He pledges to strip politicians and judges of immunity and overhaul law enforcement.
In a debate that looked more like a rock concert, he promised to overturn a system that's long been run by rich oligarchs.
VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY (through translator): I am not a politician.
I am not a politician at all.
I am just a person, an ordinary person who has come to break the system.
NICK SCHIFRIN: The system was already broken five years ago, when the Ukrainian revolution overthrew a corrupt and pro-Russian president.
But the hopes of those days have largely been unfulfilled.
Ukraine is Europe's second poorest and most corrupt country.
Voters lost faith in President Petro Poroshenko, who last night accepted defeat and urged unity.
PETRO POROSHENKO, Ukrainian President (through translator): I personally and my entire team is ready to stand shoulder to shoulder with the president in all his decisions that benefit Ukraine's national interests.
NICK SCHIFRIN: One of Ukraine's most important interests is ending the war in Eastern Ukraine.
On and off for five years, Russian-backed separatists have fought Ukrainian troops.
And late last year, Russia rammed a Ukrainian ship in international waters, and detained Ukrainian sailors.
Zelensky vows to maintain Ukrainian sovereignty, as he told "PBS NewsHour Weekend" special correspondent Simon Ostrovsky during a TV taping.
VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY (through translator): We will do everything to make sure that Vladimir Putin never ends up at the helm of our country.
No one has a real answer how to stop Putin.
All we can do is continue talks to achieve a cease-fire.
NICK SCHIFRIN: And that's a position the U.S.
supports.
KURT VOLKER, U.S.
Special Representative for Ukraine: Well, I think what he's said about the conflict and about his approach is exactly right so far.
He strongly supports Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
He wants to get the land back.
He's not going to be giving that way.
It is necessary for Ukraine and Russia to have direct discussions, and so I think his desire to speak to Putin is a good thing, not a bad thing.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Kurt Volker is the State Department's special representative to Ukraine.
He dismisses fears that an inexperienced actor could be manipulated by Russian President Vladimir Putin.
And he points out Putin's relationship with Poroshenko got so bad, maybe Zelensky represents an opportunity.
KURT VOLKER: One hopes that this is, because it's a new president, just an opportunity for a fresh start at dialogue, although it's Russia's position of invading and occupying territory that's really what's needed to change.
NICK SCHIFRIN: But whether a candidate who is largely a blank slate can deliver that promised change, whether related to corruption or to Russia, remains to be seen.
And to talk about that, I'm joined by Matthew Rojansky, director of the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson Center here in Washington.
Welcome to the "NewsHour." Thank you very much.
MATTHEW ROJANSKY, Director, Kennan Institute, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars: Thanks.
Happy to be with you.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Let's start with where Ambassador Volker just left off.
Could Zelensky actually prove to be an opportunity because he wants to meet with Putin and, as the Russians said, anyone but Poroshenko? MATTHEW ROJANSKY: Right.
At this point, opportunities are few and far between, so why not take anything that offers itself? I think Zelensky has a few advantages going into a negotiation.
Number one, he has got a mandate.
Right? It's hard to beat three-quarters of Ukrainian voters.
He really can claim to represent what the Ukrainian people want.
And even if you're negotiating with an authoritarian dictator like Vladimir Putin, being able to credibly say, look, this is where the Ukrainian people are, you can't push me beyond that point, I think it actually strengthens his hand.
When you think about Putin negotiating with Poroshenko before, sure, there's no love loss between those two figures.
But Putin also looks at a guy who he says, just like many Ukrainian voters did, hey, this guy's an oligarch, he's a creature of the old system.
Maybe I can roll him.
Maybe I can manipulate him.
Maybe I can do a little kompromat, black P.R., all the same stuff in the old sort of KGB, Soviet tradition.
Zelensky's message has been, I don't do that.
I'm an open book.
It's all out in public.
And now I have a mandate.
And he has simply said, I want to end the war.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Is the flip of that argument, though, that he is untested, unproven, has never been in a negotiation with someone like Vladimir Putin? Is there any fear that someone like Putin could manipulate him or roll over him? MATTHEW ROJANSKY: There is such a fear.
There should very well be such a fear.
I think Zelensky himself probably has concerns about what it's going to be like when and if he does sit down with Putin.
And that makes a couple of things critical.
Number one, what does his team ultimately look like? We have some very early indications, some lists of names, some smart, experienced folks on those lists.
If you look to his television show for guidance, he was trying to bring in a new generation, as President Holoborodko on television.
But he also did rely on people who had earned the trust of the Ukrainian people, people with real education, real expertise.
So I expect he will do that as president.
There's no compelling reason for him not to.
The second dimension is support from the international community.
He is going to want to get early and frequent signs of support from the United States, from the E.U., from NATO.
And the signs are, within the last 24 hours, he's very likely to get that.
He's gotten phone calls of congratulation.
Ukraine remains high on the agenda for Western countries.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Let's go back to why he was popular and why he was elected.
Do you think Ukraine voted for Zelensky or they voted for anyone who could embody change? MATTHEW ROJANSKY: Yes, this was definitely a protest vote.
They had a binary choice, right? It was either Zelensky or Poroshenko by the time you get to the second round.
The numbers were overwhelming.
It was not Poroshenko, i.e., Zelensky.
Look, it doesn't mean that he didn't generate a certain enthusiasm, especially among younger people.
The guy is 41 years old.
He's communicating to a post-Soviet generation, people who didn't come of age under that old KGB-dominated Soviet system.
So a lot of those people I think were genuinely enthusiastic about a guy who understands social media, understands modernity, good communicator, et cetera.
But the reality is -- and he said it himself in this famous debate just a couple of days ago in the National Olympic Stadium -- he said to Poroshenko's face, he said: "I am not your opponent.
I am your sentence." This was a referendum on Poroshenko, and he failed it.
NICK SCHIFRIN: He's promising to -- quote -- "break the system," as we heard a couple of minutes ago.
Can he really break the system, one, if he doesn't have Parliament behind him, which he doesn't right now? And, two, that system is so endemically corrupt, and has been influenced by Russia so much since independence in the early '90s.
MATTHEW ROJANSKY: Yes, so breaking the system can mean a whole a lot of things, right? It can mean breaking it and then rebuilding something great in its place.
It can also mean breaking it and making it even worse than it is now, right? So it's terrible now, but at least it functions.
Ukraine famously always muddles through, right, despite the kind of elevated expectations, always disappointed.
So he doesn't have a strong political party behind him.
He has a big-name brand.
He has a lot of enthusiasm, a groundswell of support.
Translating that half-a-year from now into a successful parliamentary campaign, where he packs the Parliament with his supporters, so that under Ukraine's Constitution, which gives tremendous power to the Parliament and to the ministers who come basically from the parliamentary majority, so that he can actually do something, that is a challenge of what the Russians and Ukrainians called political technology.
He doesn't have a lot of that.
He's got a TV show and a name brand.
And translating that's going to be his challenge over the next half-year.
NICK SCHIFRIN: And quickly, because we don't have much time, that much time left, remind us, how important is Ukraine to U.S.
and Russia relations? How important has Ukraine been? And how important will Zelensky be going forward to U.S.
relations in this region and with Russia? MATTHEW ROJANSKY: Zelensky is symbolic of change coming from within Ukraine.
Nobody from the outside, not Russia, not the United States, produced Zelensky.
And that's important because change that began within Ukraine, the Maidan Revolution, is what triggered ultimately Russia's invasion and the huge collapse of European security that has been the breaking point in U.S.-Russia relations and that have kept us apart for so long.
With the United States unable to engage with Russia on nuclear issues or anything else important, if change from Ukraine reopens a window of opportunity, that could actually be quite big.
NICK SCHIFRIN: Matthew Rojansky of the Woodrow Wilson Center, thank you very much.
MATTHEW ROJANSKY: Thank you.
泽连斯基出生在一个犹太人家庭，父母都是知识分子。
爸爸是经济教授，妈妈是高级工程师，在这种优越的家庭环境下，泽连斯基一路都顺风顺水，没有吃过什么苦，想玩什么就玩什么，很小就对艺术有着浓厚的兴趣。
良好的家庭教育，培养了情商与智商双高的泽连斯基，高中毕业后，直接进入了父亲任教的基辅经济大学法学院，业余时间背着家里人，逐梦演艺圈。
因为能说会道，有着非凡的幽默细胞，在一场校外的演出中，他被乌克兰知名娱乐节目团队注意到，随后就创办了自己的团队，类似于现在的脱口秀喜剧综艺，受到无数粉丝的追捧，成了乌克兰家喻户晓的喜剧演员。
本以为他的一生会投入到喜剧艺术事业中，就不会有后面魔幻的故事发生了。
泽连斯基人生的重大变革发生在2015年，由他主演的电视剧《人民公仆》在乌克兰热播，万人空巷。
这部电视剧在豆瓣上评分9.0，因为最近国家局势紧张，又火了起来。
电视剧讲述了一位普通的历史老师因为一段骂总统治国不力，决心反腐的视频被学生传到网上后，受到乌克兰人民的热烈追捧，最后意外当上了乌克兰总统的故事。
剧情发展看上去就已经很魔幻了，但是没想到现实比电视剧还要魔幻。
凭借超高的人气，即使毫无执政经验，却在2019年的乌克兰总统竞选中击败了前总统，以创纪录73.3%的支持率当选为乌克兰史上最年轻的总统。
这个成绩有多好呢？比他在电视剧里的67%的当选总统票数还要高。得益于电视剧的爆红，泽连斯基塑造了一个正直且善良的总统形象，可以说，他也把自身IP的能量发挥到了极致。
我们总说，艺术来源于生活，但是乌克兰总统的传奇，可能连最好的编剧都写不出来。
更有意思的是，《人民公仆》这部电视剧一共拍了3季，而3季没拍完就草草收场了，原因就是因为主演去当总统了，没时间拍了。
当上总统之后，泽连斯基组建的党派就叫“人民公仆”党，他的选举班底也是当初拍这部电视剧的剧组，选举资金就来源于《人民公仆》投资方。
乌克兰的老百姓这是得多讨厌在台上的这些政客，以致很多人宁可把选票投给他，也不投给那些传统政客。虽然他不是一名政治家，但大家把他创作的艺术形象，电视剧里的好总统当了真。
从在电视剧中扮演总统，到成为真正的总统，泽连斯基只花了不到半年时间。可是现实却让这个总统接连遇困。
人可以凭借高超演技上位的总统，但没办法凭演技做一个好总统。
在他3年执政生涯中，可谓是内外交困。
对内，也没能兑现竞选时的各种承诺，人民的钱袋子依旧空空如也，乌克兰的GDP一直是全欧倒数第一。
对外，泽连斯基接连遇到多项政治挑战，在一次又一次地“远交近攻”中败下阵来。
病急乱投医，泽连斯基选择了抱美国人大腿，但是很显然，美国人利用了他，美国人只想搞乱局势，让美元好收割欧洲的资金，而不是真心帮助乌克兰。
过于相信西方会接纳乌克兰的泽连斯基，包括这次在应对俄乌局势上，泽连斯基显然“完全没有准备好”，眼睁睁看着俄罗斯的炮火，他等到的只是西方社会的谴责，没有一个国家会替他出兵。
民众也对这个总统十分不满，支持率一下子跌到了26%。曾经树立的正直人设，一瞬间崩塌。
当年，乌克兰人民把泽连斯基看作是国家变革的希望，但是最终也没能等来政坛环境转变，却等来了国家生存危机。
“我发誓，我永远不会让你们失望。身为乌克兰人，看看我们，任何事情都有可能！”泽连斯基在胜选后的演讲中说。
任何事情又有可能，但不一定是喜剧，而是悲剧，乌克兰不排除在泽连斯基手上亡国了。
因为他的对手是普京，一位真正的大魔王，极为冷血的政治计算动物，如果你出现一次错误，就有可能被他无情猎杀。
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